The Dark Side of Convict Life – part 4

by Barrie Jones

Chapter III (continued) recounts Henry’s nine-month probationary stay in Exeter Prison and his attempt at escape.

The Dark Side of Convict Life (Being the Account of the Career of Harry Williams, a Merthyr Man). Merthyr Express, 12th February 1910, page 12.

Chapter III (continued)

In the morning I awoke to learn that I was only to remain there three weeks, when I would be transferred to Exeter Prison, a convict receiving depot, to serve nine months’ probation, to make me fit, as the warder put it, ready for a convict prison. The day came when I was to be escorted to Exeter Prison, and my heart nearly changed places with my brain to think that I was to leave the home of my childhood for three long years, but, as there is a certain amount of courage even in a crowd, I consoled myself with the thought that some day I would be free. A thought struck me, supposing I would have a try to slip the handcuffs off, as they had placed a rather large pair on small hands, with that thought still in my mind, I said to myself, “If I failed to escape on the journey, I would have another try at the prison”. All my determinations were shattered, and I had to pay dearly the price of my attempt. All being ready, I was conveyed to the railway station, where I waved good-bye to my dear old mother, who stood weeping on the platform. I was hurried into the train, and soon I left dear old Wales far behind. In the meanwhile, I was trying to force the handcuffs from my wrists, but without success, as I was too carefully watched to do it with comfort.

A few hours elapsed ere I arrived at Exeter Prison, and once again I had to leave the outside world, Again, I was hurried into the “reception”, where I was supplied with another suit of khaki, but instead of trousers, this time I was given knickerbockers, and after listening to a sermon by the warder, who had trained himself to perfection in bouncing, I was taken up to another part of the prison, and located on a ward, known as A3. It was A1 to me. The cell in which I was confined had a great vent along the wall underneath, the window showing signs that it had been tampered with. I said to myself. “Ah, someone has been having a try to escape here, and I begin where he had left off”, but, I was not going to run my head right into it, for I must, first of all, make observations as to the systemmatical way in which the prison was worked, such as the routine of patrols, night watchmen, and so forth. All went well for about six months, when one day I picked up a piece of sharp iron out on the exercise ground, and, unnoticed by the warder, I swagged it into my cell with me, and for about three months I was picking and scraping underneath the bricks, until at last I managed to loosen six of them, taking care each night to plaster them up with whitening so as to make them look like the whitewashed walls.

I fixed to time to escape for a Saturday night in the beginning of August 1896. About midnight I listened attentively for any sound I might hear in the prison, and, satisfying myself that all was well, I took up my iron, and with my blankets all ready to descend to the ground, I suddenly gave two or three sharp knocks and out fell the bricks, but I scarcely before I had the time to get through the hole, I heard the key of a warder unlock the cell door, and two of them came rushing in, made a dash, and, drawing their kosh (batons) they pummelled me right and left. I offered no resistance, but they kicked and knocked me about, then flung me into the condemned cell which happened to be vacant at the time, and there I was left until the following Monday morning when I was brought before the Governor, who ordered me to be tried before the Visiting Committee for attempting to break out of prison. I was asked if I had anything to say, being the usual matter of form question put to prisoners by the authorities of the prison. I replied that I had not. I, of course, admitted the offence, but asked the magistrates if the officers were justified in using violence towards me in the manner in which they had done, as I made no attempt to resist when discovered. They referred me to the medical officer, and, in short, I was tied to the triangle, and flogged. Three days afterwards I was transferred to Dartmoor Convict Prison.

To be continued…..

Merthyr’s Heritage Plaques: Gwyn Alf Williams

by Keith Lewis-Jones

Gwyn Alf Williams

Plaque sited at Lower Row, Penywern, CF48 3ND

A native of Dowlais, Gwyn Alfred Williams (1925-1995), was a lecturer at Aberystwyth University followed by professorships at York and
Cardiff.

His books on Welsh subjects include – ‘The Welsh in their History’ 1982, ‘The Merthyr Rising’ 1978, ‘When Was Wales?’ 1985 and ‘Madoc: The Making of a Myth’ published in 1979.

He was a Marxist who later joined Plaid Cymru.

He took part in many television progammes of which his series with Wynford Vaughan Thomas, ‘The Dragon Has Two Tongues’
aroused much interest.

The plaque has a mistake in that Gwyn Alf Williams died, not in Cardiff, but in Dre-fach Felindre, Carmarthenshire.

Memories of Old Merthyr

We continue our serialisation of the memories of Merthyr in the 1830’s by an un-named correspondent to the Merthyr Express, courtesy of Michael Donovan.

But there is another matter that contributed to that end both for them and other ironmasters too. With the dawn of the railways the public were diffident of investing, and the issue of bonds was a neccessity for the ready obtaining of rails. These were generally issued at discount, say as an example, a bond for £100 for ten tons of rails at £8 per ton. The cost of the rails would be, perhaps. £6, so that the iron master, if in a position to do so, would receive say £100 for £60 worth of his product. Bankers would advance upon the deposit of such bonds, and, in consequence, enough money would be obtained to carry on the same cycle of operations.

It must not be thought that the railway company, on the one hand, or the ironmaster on the other, were dealing in hundreds only. One deal may be for ten thousand tons of rails, and if not able to make and deliver the full amount within the specified time, he contracted with other and, perhaps, smaller makers for some portion. The ironmaster, taking the original contract, would thus become an iron merchant, and pay cash or some other mode of payment as may be arranged. Wages were paid in cash, and it may be that a part was arranged by acceptance.

In order to show the difficulty in obtaining money for the making of railroads, let me remind you readers that the £100 Taff Vale share was for sale at £30 at one time, and it was only some five or six persons who made the Aberdare branch from Navigation to Aberdare – the public declined to take shares, Mr C H James told me – but those who ventured have one of the best railway investments, for it was leased to the Taff Vale Railway Company at an increasing rate, 10 percent being obtained in three years, and so to continue in perpetuity.

 

To be continued at a later date.

Merthyr’s Chapels: Bethania Chapel, Dowlais

Bethania Welsh Independent Chapel, Dowlais

In the early part of the 19th Century, members of the Independent chapels in Merthyr who were living in Dowlais began holding meetings at various houses around the town.

When Josiah John Guest arrived in Dowlais and expanded the Dowlais Works, the population increased to an extent that the need arose for the Independent worshippers in Dowlais to have their own chapel. The old Bethel Chapel became vacant in 1822 so services could be held there on Sunday evenings. Rev Methusalem Jones of Bethesda Chapel in Merthyr was instrumental in starting the cause in Dowlais and he had oversight of the congregation for a time until he had a difference of opinion with some of the congregation and left them. Rev Samuel Evans of Zoar Chapel then took over the care of the congregation.

Within a year however, it was realised that the small Bethel Chapel was not adequate for the congregation, so land was found and a chapel was built in 1823 for the cost of £444 and called Bethania.

In 1826 Rev Thomas Jones, a student from Newtown, was invited to Bethania and was ordained as minister of the chapel on 23 March 1826. The congregation increased rapidly and the chapel was rebuilt in 1827. However, within a short time a serious disagreement occurred at the chapel which resulted in Rev Jones and several of the congregation leaving and starting their own cause; this eventually became Bryn Sion Chapel. Rev Samuel Evans once again took charge of the chapel and stayed here until his death.

Following Rev Samuel Evans’ death, Rev John Hughes was inducted as Bethania’s minister in December 1833. Under his leadership the congregation grew rapidly and in 1838 it was decided to build a new larger chapel and the chapel was rebuilt at a cost of £1000 by Mr Thomas Sandbrook, a member of the chapel.

The re-built Bethania Chapel

In 1849, a serious cholera epidemic broke out in Merthyr with 1,682 deaths in Merthyr and Dowlais alone. In the aftermath of this epidemic, a religious revival occurred and despite its huge size, Bethania Chapel could not accommodate the huge increase in the congregation. It was decided that it would be impractical to build an even larger chapel, so a new chapel was built nearby called Gwernllwyn.

In 1855 a schoolroom was built at Pwll-yr-hwyaid, and this was followed by schoolrooms at Gellifaelog and Caeharris.

Bethania Chapel Caeharris Schoolroom. Photo courtesy of the Alan George Archive.

In 1883 the interior of the chapel was renovated with a new pulpit and seating costing £1350; and a new organ installed costing £350. In 1886, the vestry was constructed behind the chapel. Major renovations were again carried out on the chapel in 1896 when the main entrance of the chapel was altered and a large porch built, and the chapel was we see it today took shape. These renovations cost £500.

The chapel closed in 1999, but in 2012 the building was renovated by the Victory Church who now hold their services there.

Merthyr Tydfil & District Historical Society

The Merthyr Tydfil & District Historical Society is pleased to announce its forthcoming World War I themed History Day at the Labour Club on Saturday 22 April 2023

All are welcome.

Booking is essential – if you would like to come along, please contact me at the e-mail address below or at merthyr-history@gmail.com.

The Mystery of Dr Gabe – part 2

by Lynette Rees

Merthyr had three large ironworks at the time: Cyfarthfa, Dowlais and Plymouth, and there were many coal pits in the area which would tie in with the fact her husband had been a collier.

These are the facts I could find out about John Bernard Gabe from a 1908 Welsh newspaper:

  • He’d had a serious illness which had overtaken him eighteen months beforehand, but he had still attended his duties and died the eve before his birthday
  • He’d never fully recovered from that illness
  • He’d been ill for two to three days before his death
  • He’d been out motoring with friends the week before his death in North Wales
  • He died from congestion to the bowels
  • He was living in Morriston Swansea at the time
  • He was a native of Cefn, Merthyr, being the ONLY surviving son of the late Mr. John Gabe.
  • He died aged 55 years of age
  • He received his education at London and Cork Universities and become fully qualified at Glasgow University.
  • He came to Morriston while a young man, as assistant to the late Dr. Henry Davies, whom he afterwards, succeeded.
  • At the point of his death he was in partnership with Dr. Morgan.
  • He was patron of the Loyal J. B. Lodge [Order of Shepherds]
  • He left behind a widow [unnamed] and five chidren sons: Howel, Leslie and Vincent and two daughters Beryl and Thaisa?
  • His son Howel was completing his studies to follow his father into the medical profession.
  • The deceased was a brother-in-law of the Rev. T. Sinclair Evans, Swansea

I think this information proves that John Bernard Gabe is not the same person as John Rees Gabe as some people seem to think. John Rees Gabe ended up in Mecklmeurst Square in London. It says in the article that John Bernard was the only surviving son of Rees Gabe which would imply the other Doctor [John Rees] Gabe was dead, but that isn’t so, as the article was printed in 1908 yet, John Rees didn’t die until 1920. So perhaps they weren’t even brothers but related.

Though, I strongly believe that both were brothers, but the one who attended the Miller’s Court murder of Mary Jane Kelly was ‘Joseph’ Gabe, who for some reason changed his name when he turned up in London. Don’t forget he’d been involved in several high profile inquiries that had hit the newspapers, maybe he didn’t want people to know when he moved away. He settled in London with his family at 16 Mecklenburgh Square St. Pancras.

Now the other curious thing about this is that if say, this John Rees Gabe, was nothing to do with John Bernard Gabe [though one heck of a coincidence both are listed as doctors!] then why is there evidence of a John Rees Gabe from Merthyr being with a Rachel M. Gabe. Rachel M. Gabe can be found on the census showing Rees Gabe as her father.

The 1881 Census shows a 27-year-old John B. Gabe as being a General Practioner, LSA, etc born in Merthyr Tydfil but by then married to a woman called ‘Annie’ and living in Llangefelach Road, Clase. Going by the other names mentioned [including his mother-in-law] then his 22-year-old wife Annie, was originally a Rosser by birth. The couple are childless so far in this census. See source here:

Dr. John B. Gabe

1891 Census return for 16 Mecklenburgh Sq, St Pancras:

  • John R Gabe (Head), 39, born Merthyr Tydfil. Registered Medical Practitioner
  • Marion LS (Wife), 35, born St Helens, Lancashire
  • Caroline M (Daur), 10, born London, Spitalfields. Scholar
  • Winifred A (Daur), 7, born London, Spitalfields. Scholar
  • Ivor S (Son), 5, born London, St Pancras
  • Rachel M (Visitor), 23, born Merthyr Tydfil [John’s sister]
  • Frederick G Foniham (Visitor), 37, born St Helens, Lancashire. Woollen Agent
  • Ellen F Cobb (Servant), 28, born Plymouth. Domestic Servant

The only thing I can think of that makes any sense is that Joseph [John Rees] and John Bernard were brothers from Merthyr, who trained to become doctors. John Bernard moved to the Swansea area where he married and lived the rest of his life as a successful well-respected doctor. Joseph went to London where he also worked as a Medical Officer as he did at St Tydfil’s Workhouse, but he changed his name! Now why do that? Was it because he came under suspicion for any wrong doings at the Workhouse? Was he either Joseph Gabe or John Rees Gabe or even John Jones Gabe [see later explanation for this.]

I’ve also found mention of the Doctor Gabe at Merthyr returning from Cardiff several times where there was also an Infirmary. Mary Kelly was said to have entered an Infirmary and moved to London afterwards.

Did both Doctor John [Joseph?] Gabe and Mary Jane Kelly know one another before they both set off for London? Did he change his name? If so, why do that? And why was Doctor John Rees Gabe one of the first doctors on the scene when he was known to be a gynaecologist? Why was there an obstetrician there too? In fact, I’ve read reports that state in all, six doctors were present at the scene.

There are more questions than answers, that’s for sure….

And now this afternoon, I just found evidence that the Doctor J. Gabe working at St Tydfil’s was still there on the Board of Guardians in 1881/1882 when John Bernard was registered on the census living in the Swansea, it seems this must surely be John Rees Gabe, except in certain articles the name is referred to as J. J. Gabe and I even found him referred to as John Jones Gabe. It seems unlikely to me there would have been 3 doctors with the name John Gabe working in Merthyr. At that time there were only about 15 Gabes registered in the area.

Curious!

Many thanks to Lynette for allowing me  to use this. To read the original article please see

The Mystery of Doctor Gabe from Merthyr

The Mystery of Dr Gabe – part 1

by Lynette Rees

Doctor Gabe, who is reputed to be one of the first doctors on the scene of the final Jack the Ripper murder of Mary Jane Kelly, is one of the persons mentioned, apart from Mary herself, who I find most intriguing of all in the case. Not just because he was born and bred in my home town of Merthyr Tydfil, but because of his movements during that period of time.

Gabe, was reported as living in Merthyr Tydfil, where his father was reputed to be the landlord, Rees Gabe. Now this is where the confusion and mystery begins…there appears to be a Doctor John Bernard Gabe listed as being Rees Gabe’s son of Merthyr. John Bernard Gabe did exist as I’ve found a newspaper clipping of his death, complete with a photograph, [see above].

In the article in the newspaper called ‘The Cambrian -10th July 1908‘,  it says that John Bernard’s father was Rees Gabe, but it appears to say John Bernard previously resided in Cefn [there is a Lord Raglan pub which is still operational in Cefn Coed, Merthyr Tydfil.. I have found mention of 3 such pubs, one in Glebeland Street, Cefn Coed and Dowlais] But which one was it really? I’ve also found an article in a Welsh newspaper where Rees Gabe from the Lord Raglan Glebeland Street, had bales of hay stolen and had taken someone on in court for the offence.

Not only is the pub an enigma, so is Doctor Gabe as there is a Doctor John Bernard Gabe mentioned and more often Doctor John Rees Gabe in connection with the case of Jack the Ripper. Now, John Rees makes complete sense as being the son of Rees Gabe as names were often handed down to sons. Yet, on the Census there is only a boy called John and a boy called Joseph that could be brothers who were doctors. There are three other brothers, William age 13, Benjamin 7,  and 1-year-old Henry.

Joseph’s age fits best the year John Rees Gabe was born which was said to be around 1852 [he might have been almost 9 when the census was taken so could have been born in 1852.] So was that name changed at some point from Joseph to John?

Also curious is the fact that John Bernard isn’t on that census, though the newspaper report says Rees Gabe was his father. If he was 55 years of age in 1908 when he died, then he was born circa 1853. So was he Joseph? Was there only one year between John Bernard and John Rees? It doesn’t make sense. Of course the one called John on the census there was 6 at the time, which would have made his birth year around 1855, that doesn’t tie in with any dates either.

1861 Census return for the “Lord Raglan”, Merthyr Tydfil

  • Rees Gabe (Head), 38, born Llangathen, Carmarthenshire. Innkeeper
  • Anne (Wife), 35, born Llangathen, Carmarthenshire. Innkeeper
  • Mary Anne (Daur), 11, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • William (Son), 13, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • Joseph (Son), 8, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • Benjamin (Son), 7, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • John (Son), 6, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • Elizabeth (Daur), 6, born Merthyr. Scholar
  • Henry (Son), 1, born Merthyr
  • Anne Williams (Servant), born Carmarthen Town. House Servant
  • Mary A Williams (Servant), 15, born Pontypool, Monmouthshire. House Servant

I’ve also discovered a Doctor J. Gabe who worked as a medical officer at St, Tydfil’s infirmary/workhouse in Merthyr Tydfil. A newspaper article mentions him one night working with ‘his brother’. So did Rees Gabe the publican have two sons who were doctors? One called John Bernard and one called Joseph Rees [who later changed his name to John Rees when he arrived in London?]

The Doctor J. Gabe who worked as a Medical Officer at the workhouse/ infirmary seemed to be a colourful character who got involved in certain inquiries held by the hospital board where he came under suspicion of various misdeeds. One was about giving a ward sister a lot of grief, who seemed to dislike him intensely! He was often spoken of as having an extremely bad temper by staff at the infirmary.

To add to his mystery, several Ripperologists have mentioned that Mary Jane Kelly, was at one time living in Merthyr Tydfil herself. Mary was said to have married young to a man with the surname ‘Davies’, but sadly her husband got killed in a pit disaster. [This information is derived from an account by Joseph Barnett, her London lover, who told police this information after her death]. There is a 16-year-old ‘Mary Jane Davies’ listed as residing at the Brunswick Hotel in Thomas Street, not that far away from St. Tydfil’s Infirmary.

Mary, although described as ‘Irish’ is known to have spoken the Welsh language. Her father was said to have worked at the ironworks [again this information came from Joseph Barnett].

To be continued…..

Many thanks to Lynette for allowing me  to use this. To read the original article please see

The Mystery of Doctor Gabe from Merthyr